Πamphleteers
THE TOTA L DEFEAT of the Axis powers in 1945 and the confirmation of
Nazi atrocities in the concentration camps did not delay for long the reemergence
of a fascist tradition in Europe. Following the first postwar gathering of
various European neo-fascist and neo-Nazi movements at Rome in March
1950, about a hundred delegates from parties in Germany, Italy, Austria,
France, Spain and Sweden assembled in May 1951 at Malmö in southern Sweden.
Within a decade, the larger neo-fascist parties in Europe were moving toward
a new International, and the National European Party was founded by a
convention of Sir Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement, the Deutsche Reichspartei,
Jeune Europe and the Movimento Sociale Italiano at Venice in
March 1962.1
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oswald_Mosley
http://ddd.uab.cat/pub/worpap/1999/hdl_2072_1295/ICPS169.pdf
Secretary (party leader)
Giorgio Almirante (1946–1950)
Augusto De Marsanich (1950–1954)
Arturo Michelini (1954–1969)
Giorgio Almirante (1969–1987)
Gianfranco Fini (1987–1990)
Pino Rauti (1990–1991)
Gianfranco Fini (1991–1995)
[edit]Leader in the Chamber of Deputies
Giorgio Almirante (1946–1953)
Giovanni Roberti (1953–1968)
Giorgio Almirante (1968–1969)
Ernesto De Marzio (1969–1976)
Giorgio Almirante (1977)
Alfredo Pazzaglia (1977–1990)
Francesco Servello (1990–1992)
Giuseppe Tatarella (1992–1994)
The postwar fascist Internationals were generally careful to distance themselves
from their wartime legacy and sought to avoid any embarrassing references
to Hitler, the SS, Nazism and the Holocaust. Mosley sought to update
the politics of his prewar British Union of Fascists with an appeal to European
unity, a major plank of the Union Movement’s 1948 national election campaign.
While commanding considerable loyalty on the British far right,
Mosley’s strategy invited a challenge from nationalists and unreconstructed
fascists. Such caution was completely cast aside for the first time since the war
in the spring of 1962 by Colin Jordan, the British neo-Nazi leader who admired
Hitler and revived all the Nazi props of brown shirts, breeches and
jackboots, swastika armbands, together with the slogans of “Sieg Heil,”“Juden
‘raus” and the Horst Wessel Song. Together with George Lincoln Rockwell,
Savitri Devi, Bruno Lüdtke and others representing Nazi groups in seven
countries, he founded the World Union of National Socialists (WUNS) as a
self-proclaimed Nazi International in August 1962.
www.britishulsteralliance.co.uk
http://www.thejc.com/lifestyle/lifestyle-features/neo-nazi-leader-colin-jordans-legacy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colin_Jordan
http://www.bloodandhonourworldwide.co.uk/magazine/issue29/issue29p06.html
Colin Jordan’s British neo-Nazism was a radical reaction to the presence of
a colored population.While the American Nazis were protesting the emancipation
of a Negro underclass in the United States, the British protest was directed
at the rapid growth of colored immigration from the New Commonwealth
countries beginning in the late 1950s. Besides this reactive racial na-
tionalism, Jordan was chiefly inspired by a prewar fascist tradition of anti-
Semitism and an unalloyed admiration for Hitler and German National Socialism.
These ideals have remained the hallmarks of Colin Jordan’s political
program from the war years up into the 1990s and make him the leading representative
of the postwar Hitler cult in Britain. By looking at Colin Jordan’s
career, important lessons can be learned about today’s miltant Nazi underground.
Contemporary terrorist groups like Combat 18 and David Myatt’s
National-Socialist Movement trace their lineage back to Jordan, just as many
violent groups in America revere George Lincoln Rockwell. Also, since Colin
Jordan’s rise to prominence occurred against the background of mass immigration,
the British story holds a wider significance for developments in Europe
today.
http://www.infotextmanuscripts.org/cj-text.pdf
Philosophy of The Numinous Way and Pathei-Mathos http://www.cosmicbeing.info/
John Colin Campbell Jordan was born in 1923 in Birmingham, England.
He attended Warwick School, a prestigious prep school, where he won a
scholarship to study history at Cambridge University. He interrupted his
studies to volunteer for the Fleet Air Arm but failed his naval pilot’s course.
Undeterred, he transferred to the Royal Air Force and awaited fresh flying
training. He claims that his political ideas were so developed by the end of
1944 that he declared his opposition to the continuation of the war and support
for a negotiated peace with Germany. As a member of deferred service
personnel, he was then sent to the Royal Army Medical Corps, where he became
an educational instructor. On demobilization, he resumed his degree
studies at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, in 1946. Like other mature servicemen
undergraduates, Jordan played an active part in university life, serving
on the staff of the university newspaper,Varsity, and speaking on the front
bench in debates at the Union. He took a second-class degree in 1949.2
During his time at the university, Jordan began to contact a number of
British nationalist and neo-fascist groups with a view to promoting the cause
at Cambridge.He became a member of the anti-Semitic British People’s Party
(BPP) and was elected to its national council. This party had been founded in
the summer of 1939 by John Beckett, who had formerly headed the National
Socialist League in 1937–38 with William Joyce, later known as Lord Haw-
Haw for his pro-Nazi broadcasts from Berlin during the war; he was subsequently
executed as a traitor. Committed to social credit economics, aimed
what it saw as the dangers of usury and seeking peace with Germany, the BPP,
under the aristocratic patronage of the Duke of Bedford, had managed to survive
the war and the internment of British fascists. Jordan also organized the
University Nationalist Club and, after leaving Cambridge, he founded the
Birmingham Nationalist Club, which he ran until moving to Leeds to take up
a teaching post. At this time he became an ardent opponent of communism
and published his first book, Fraudulent Conversion (1955), which asserted
that the Soviet Union was run by Jews despite the apparent anti-Semitism and
pro-Arab line of late Stalinism. Jordan argued that the struggle between communism
and Zionism was an internal Jewish feud over the best way to achieve
world domination.3
http://www.stsimonoftrent.com/
http://www.jrbooksonline.com/leese.htm
St. William of Norwich and St. Simon of Trent
There is St. William of Norwich, and St. Simon of Trent; two child saints. On Wikipedia, the articles on the two say (under their name on the side), "Cult Suppressed" what does this mean? And also, in the section where it says "Venerated By", it says the Roman Catholic Church (formally). Does this mean that they are de-Canonized, or just not on the Calendar.Can you even de-Canonize a person?
Foremost among Jordan’s contacts at Cambridge and afterwards was
Arnold Spencer Leese (1878–1956), an inveterate anti-Semite who had
founded the Imperial Fascist League in 1929, a small (two hundred members)
party that was the most pro-German and openly anti-Semitic group in England
during the 1930s. It had always remained independent of Oswald
Mosley’s British Union of Fascists. Leese in fact regarded Mosley as an opportunist
and argued that his fascism was not based on racial nationalism.
Suspicious that Mosley’s first wife had Jewish ancestry, Leese called Mosley a
“kosher fascist,” a Jewish agent planted to discredit the notion of fascism in
Britain.4 Leese had published a pro-Nazi magazine, The Fascist (1929–39),
and was detained during the war under the 18B regulation against suspected
German “fifth columnists.”Upon his release he resumed his anti-Semitic publishing
at Guildford with his scurrilous periodical Gothic Ripples (1945–56).
In his first postwar book, The Jewish War of Survival (1945), Leese conceded
that the Jews had won a victory with the defeat of Hitler, but he argued
that a vigorous policy of anti-Semitism could still break their power. He was
again briefly imprisoned in 1947 for giving aid to two fugitive Dutch members
of the Waffen-SS. Leese’s views were even cruder in the postwar period.
He believed that Jews were encouraging colored immigration to dilute
Britain’s racial stock, so that the Aryan civilization could be destroyed.While
he credited the Aryans with creating all of civilization, he saw the Negroes as
the most inferior type of human being. Like Hitler, Leese regarded the Jews as
an anti-race, an infernal opponent of Aryan mankind. Leese was encouraged
by the interest of Jordan, in whom he saw a youthful, intelligent and enthusiastic
successor. For his part, Jordan regarded Leese as a major mentor figure,
and the two men remained close friends until Leese’s death. Leese’s widow
(who taught her cat to give the Hitler salute) was a staunch supporter of Jordan
in his subsequent struggles on the far-right scene. Leese’s influence on
Jordan was a crucial factor in Jordan’s combination of racial populism in reaction
to colored immigration and a prewar tradition of anti-Semitism.
Returning to the Midlands to teach in Coventry, Jordan joined the League
of Empire Loyalists (LEL), a lobby group founded in 1954 by A. K. Chesterton
(1899–1973), a former deputy of Mosley’s in the prewar British Union of
Fascists. The LEL existed to reverse British policies of decolonization that
were then being pursued by the Conservative government. Just as Rockwell
had initially tried to find a home in more conventional far-right groups, Jordan
was drawn to the LEL for its aggressive defense of white rule in Britain’s
African colonies. With its noisy rallies and outrageous publicity stunts, the
LEL acted as a vehicle for vigorous nationalist protest.5 Jordan became the
Midlands organizer of the LEL but found little scope here for the anti-Semitic
and Nazi ideas he shared with Arnold Leese. It was not until the late 1950s,
with the emergence of opposition to colored immigration to Britain, that he
discovered a domestic issue that held out the prospect of a mass movement
on the extreme right.
The postwar shortage of labor in the economies of Western Europe had
been met by importing workers from other countries. In Britain’s case, they
typically came from its colonies or former colonies, especially the West Indies,
India and Pakistan. The first group from the West Indies arrived in 1948, and
from that year to 1954, some 8,000 to 10,000 immigrants came into Britain
each year. In 1954 and 1955, immigration from the West Indies rose to more
than 20,000 each year, while that from India and Pakistan rose to about
10,000. A total of 132,000 colored immigrants from the Commonwealth arrived
in Britain between 1955 and 1957, of whom 80,000 had come from the
West Indies. The newcomers were perceived with some apprehension, especially
in those working-class communities where they were expecting to settle.
However, because all the major political parties wished to avoid making
immigration a political issue, it was forseeable that new political groups
would arise to demand immigration control.
The immigration issue was addressed in an inflammatory fashion by the
National Labour Party (NLP) and the White Defence League (WDL), which
were founded, respectively, by John Edward Bean (b. 1927) and Colin Jordan
in 1957 when they left the LEL. In August 1958 race riots broke out in Nottingham,
followed in September by similar riots in Notting Hill in West London.
Jordan ran the White Defence League from Arnold Leese House at 74
Princedale Road in Notting Hill, which Leese’s widow had placed at his disposal.
He organized nightly rallies in the streets of this immigrant neighborhood
throughout the tense, hot summer of 1958. He also published a local
newspaper, Black and White News, and a flood of racist pamphlets that provoked
strong feelings of resentment against the newcomers.
Colored immigration provided a new angle on old racist and Nazi ideas. In
Jordan’s view, the great importance of the immigration issue was that it forced
people to think in terms of race and thus become more receptive of his primarily
anti-Semitic convictions. In 1959, he advocated the cause of Nordic
racial unity through the publication of a small periodical, The Nationalist. By
February 1960, the WDL and NLP had merged as the new British National
Party (BNP) under the motto “For Race and Nation,” with Andrew Fountaine,
a Norfolk landowner, as president, Mrs. Leese as vice-president, Jordan
as national organizer, and John Tyndall, also formerly in the LEL, as a founder
member.6
The potential for the extreme right in Britain seemed very great in the years
1960 to 1962. In 1960 some 60,000 immigrants from the West Indies, India
and Pakistan were added to the population, three times as many as in 1959,
and in 1961 the net increase exceeded 100,000 for the first time. It was BNP
policy to send all colored immigrants back to their home countries and to impeach
the Tory Cabinet and members of the 1945–50 Labour Cabinet for
“complicity in the black invasion.”Despite its limited funds and small membership
(about 350), the BNP’s activities were highly sensational and headline
grabbing, including demonstrations at London railway terminals to confront
immigrants arriving from the ports, two public meetings in Trafalgar Square
and demonstrations against the parade of a Jewish Lord Mayor of London and
the Anti-Apartheid Movement. In order to expand into the provinces and to
attract younger members, a paramilitary organization called Spearhead was
started within the party.
Yair Klein (Hebrew: יאיר קליין; also known as Jair Klein) is a former lieutenant colonel in the Israeli army, who established a private mercenary company called Spearhead Ltd.Bruce Rappaport, Maurice Sarfati, and Yair Klein were involved in the Guns for Antigua scandal which involved the shipment of Israeli-made weaponσ.
A summer camp, attended by twenty delegates from
European nationalist groups, was held on Fountaine’s land in 1961. After a
busy schedule of lectures, the participants celebrated their Nordic racial identity
with folkish songs and tankards of traditional ale around the campfire.
Despite the runaway success of the immigration issue for racial nationalism,
ideological divisions were becoming apparent in the BNP leadership. In
February 1962 Bean presented a resolution to its national council that “Jordan’s
wrongful direction of tactics is placing increasing emphasis on directly
associating ourselves with the pre-war era of National Socialist Germany to
the neglect of Britain, Europe and theWhiteWorld struggle of today and the
future.” Bean and Fountaine clearly saw that Jordan’s chief motivation was
his admiration for Nazi Germany, whose example he wanted to translate—
together with all the paraphernalia of swastikas, uniforms and Hitler cult—
into contemporary Britain. In their view, this was a huge political liability as
Britain had paid dearly in materiel and human sacrifice in the SecondWorld
War.What they wanted was a modern British nationalist movement addressing
the issues of the 1960s. Jordan was defeated by a vote of 7 to 5, but he refused
to stand down and reminded everyone that he held exclusive right to
the use of the Arnold Leese House. The BNP therefore split, with Bean and
Fountaine taking the party name, the magazine Combat and over 80 percent
of the membership. Jordan retained the headquarters, John Tyndall, most of
the Spearhead militia group and the Birmingham and West Essex branches
of the BNP.7
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Tyndall_(politician)
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1099247/John-Hutchyns-Tyndall
http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/2835729-the-eleventh-hour
Born in 1934, John Hutchyns Tyndall was the son of a Metropolitan police
officer who had emigrated from Ireland as a young man. The family originally
came from County Waterford, with a long line of service in the Royal Irish
Constabulary. Following National Service in occupied Germany between
1952 and 1954, Tyndall had joined the LEL and became an avid reader of A.
K. Chesterton’s Candour magazine, which was devoted to Jewish conspiracy
theory.8
http://frontpagemag.com/2011/dgreenfield/the-center-for-american-progress%E2%80%99-jewish-conspiracy-theory/
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/09/30/jews-backed-innocence-of-muslims-conspiracy-theory_n_1924548.html
http://archive.adl.org/presrele/asint_13/5374_13.htm
http://www.haaretz.com/jewish-world/the-jewish-thinker/jewish-conspiracy-theories-and-anti-semitism-1.463416
http://rationalwiki.org/wiki/International_Jewish_conspiracy
Tyndall believed that military prowess was an important way of
maintaining national awareness against the corrosive forces of liberalism. Secret
military training had been Tyndall’s penchant ever since he began leading
his Spearhead group in the provinces on weekends. The Special Branch
had already started to take an interest in Spearhead’s activities in July 1961,
when policemen found such slogans as “Race War Now” and “Free Eichmann
Now” on the wall of an old stables at Culverstone Green in Kent (Eichmann
had recently been abducted by Israeli agents from Argentina to face trial in
Jerusalem for his part in the Final Solution). Tyndall and his lieutenant,
Roland Kerr-Ritchie, were subsequently observed drilling a squad of eighteen
men, dressed in the Spearhead uniform of gray shirts, armbands with sunwheel
symbol, boots and belts.
Jordan renamed his rump faction the National Socialist Movement (NSM)
and, together with John Tyndall and Denis Pirie, began to develop a British
neo-Nazi party with all the trappings of Hitlerism. He launched the NSM
with an inaugural party on 20 April 1962, Hitler’s birthday, featuring a
swastika-decorated cake. Great excitement attended a transatlantic telephone
call to George Lincoln Rockwell, the leader of the American Nazi Party, to exchange
congratulations,“Heil Hitlers” and “Sieg Heils.” Jordan made a speech
about Britain’s “loss and shame” for its role in the Second World War and the
defeat of Hitler. However, he ended on an exultant note about the prospects
of the NSM: “In Britain—in Britain of all places—the light which Hitler lit is
burning, burning brighter, shining out across the waters, across the mountains,
across the frontiers. National Socialism is coming back.” In May he
began editing a new magazine, The National Socialist (1962–66), and published
the NSM manifesto: “The greatest treasure of the British people—the
basis of their greatness in the past, and the only basis for it in the future—is
their Aryan, predominantly Nordic blood; and that it is the first duty of the
state to protect and improve this Island.”9
Racial nationalism and the glorification of German National Socialism
were distinctive features of Jordan’s NSM that repeatedly seized the tabloid
headlines in 1962. This year also witnessed a climax in the public concern
over immigration, with some 212,000 colored immigrants having entered
Britain over the eighteen months before the new Immigration Act was finally
passed in July. On 1 July 1962 the NSM held a rally before a crowd of four
thousand in Trafalgar Square, at which Jordan declared:“More and more people
every day are opening their eyes and coming to see that Hitler was right.
They are coming to see that our real enemies, the people we should have
fought, were not Hitler and National Socialists of Germany but world Jewry
and its associates in this country.” John Tyndall fulminated in a similar anti-
Semitic diatribe that “in our democratic society, the Jew is like a poisonous
maggot feeding off a body in an advanced state of decay.”
This open avowal of Nazi sentiments and vicious anti-Semitism quite
overshadowed the precipitating factor of colored immigration. The NSM was
true to the spirit of Arnold Leese and the interwar Imperial Fascist League.
The rally ended in a riot with a huge crowd of Jewish people, Communist
Party members and leftist CND (Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament) supporters
storming the platform. The NSM would claim that the rally unleashed
the racialist strife that summer. Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement held rallies
during July in protest at colored immigration in Trafalgar Square, Manchester
and the East End, which were all met with uproar and disorder. In
early August, race riots lasted for three nights in Dudley near Birmingham,
and again many arrests were made.
After the BNP split, Tyndall and Jordan continued to foster the paramilitary
stormtrooper spirit in the NSM. During April and May 1962, Jordan was
regularly watched by detectives as he led the Spearhead squad on military maneuvers
involving mock attacks on an old tower at Leith Hill on the North
Downs near Dorking in Surrey. Such paramilitary training was an integral
part of the NSM ideology based on the rise of the Nazis in Germany during
the 1920s, as Jordan and Tyndall were especially attracted to the swashbuckling
romance of armed struggle in the event of a national crisis. But the Spearhead
maneuvers were also intended to rehearse the prowess, drill and discipline
of the British contingent at the Nazi International camp that Jordan
planned to host in England in August 1962.
Colin Jordan had two main reasons for holding this international Nazi
conference. In the first place, it was important to him to boost the profile and
membership of the NSM. At the time of the split with the BNP, he had been
left with as few as twenty activists, including John Tyndall, Denis Pirie and
Roland Kerr-Ritchie. The Trafalgar Square rally had kept the NSM in the
spotlight, but Jordan was aware that he had to attract more members, not
least to compete with the BNP,which was now claiming a membership of one
thousand active supporters. But Jordan’s ambitions were also global. By convening
a gathering of foreign groups devoted to racism and anti-Semitism
under NSM auspices, he sought to place himself at the head of an international
Nazi movement.
When Lincoln Rockwell attended the NSM summer camp at Guiting
Wood, Gloucestershire, on 3–7 August 1962, he was probably the most notorious
neo-Nazi on the contemporary world scene. His clowning tactics had
won him international news coverage in which he could regularly invoke the
name of Adolf Hitler, quote Mein Kampf and pay tribute to the Nazi crusade
against the Jews and all racial inferiors. Rockwell had been banned from entering
Britain by the Home Office, so that his clandestine attendance was a
further publicity coup for the British leader.10 At the camp, Jordan was eager
to impress his guest of honor with his own credentials for Nazi world leadership.
On Sunday morning, Jordan demonstrated the military prowess and efficiency
of the British Nazis to his guests by putting the Spearhead unit
through its paces. Led by John Tyndall, uniformed NSM members were deployed
down the valley and attacked sham strong-points, rushed imaginary
enemy concentrations and fought off make-believe counter-attacks, while
Jordan, Rockwell, Savitri Devi, ex-SS lieutenant Fred Borth and others
watched the maneuvers through field glasses from high ground.11
The climax and real business of the camp took place that afternoon and involved
all delegates. A new neo-Nazi International called the World Union of
National Socialists (WUNS) was set up under the terms of the Cotswold
Agreement, whereby Jordan, Rockwell and the leaders of the other foreign
National Socialist parties formed a confederation. The major objectives of the
WUNS were defined as follows:
1. To form a monolithic, combat-efficient, international political apparatus
to combat and utterly destroy the international Jew-Communist
and Zionist apparatus of treason and subversion.
2. To protect and promote the Aryan race and its Western Civilization
wherever its members may be on the globe, and whatever their nationality
may be.
3. To protect private property and free enterprise from Communist class
warfare.
Long-term objectives included the “unity of all white people in a National
Socialist world order with complete racial apartheid.” While much of this
would have been quite acceptable to other right-wing and nationalist
groups, paragraph 7 of the twenty-five-paragraph codicil formally established
the Nazi credentials of the WUNS: “No organization or individual
failing to acknowledge the spiritual leadership of Adolf Hitler and the fact
that we are National Socialists shall be admitted to membership.” Likewise,
the long-term objective “to find and accomplish a just and final settlement of
the Jewish problem” identified the WUNS as a direct heir of Hitler’s plans for
a Final Solution. Jordan was elected world Führer and Rockwell his deputy
and heir by the twenty-seven delegates, who with their respective parties became
founding members of the WUNS.
After the camp broke up in disorder due to an invasion of local villagers,
Rockwell was subsequently arrested in London and deported back to the
United States.12 Worse was to follow for the British Nazis. On Friday, 10 August,
a dozen Special Branch officers raided and searched the NSM headquarters.
13 The authorities’ clampdown on the NSM effectively removed
Colin Jordan from the center of WUNS activities at an early stage following
its birth. On 16 August, Jordan, Tyndall, Kerr-Ritchie and Pirie were charged
under the Public Order Act with organizing and equipping a paramilitary
force. Jordan was sentenced to nine months’ imprisonment,Tyndall to six and
their lieutenants to three each. Leadership of the WUNS now passed to
George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party.With its radical Nazi
and anti-Semitic programme, the WUNS soon succeeded in attracting many
members of the Nouvel Ordre Européen (NOE), founded in 1951 in Zurich,
into its own ranks. By the beginning of 1964 the WUNS announced that it
maintained national sections in France, Germany, Great Britain, Belgium,
Denmark, Switzerland, the United States, Argentina, Chile and Australia.
A new split repeated the earlier division between the BNP and the NSM.
John Tyndall wanted to develop a British formof national socialism with due
emphasis on patriotism, racial pride and contemporary circumstances. He
found theovertHitlerworship and meticulous imitation of GermanNazism so
beloved of Jordan increasingly anachronistic and a political liability.His bitter
humiliationover losing his fiancée toJordanwas also an additional factor inthe
break. InAugust 1964Tyndall launched theGreater BritainMovement (GBM)
with its own magazine Spearhead and some 130 members. Following their acrimonious
rupture, both Jordan and Tyndall courted Rockwell for their party
to be recognized as the British section of the WUNS. Rockwell instinctively
sidedwith Jordan as he had long advocated brazenNazism and was suspicious
of Tyndall’s plan todropthe swastika as apolitical symbol.Thequestion of how
openly one could afford to embrace Nazi iconography has remained a persistent
faultline in the future development of the British far right.14
Secure in Rockwell’s favor, Jordan now developed his credentials as the
leading theorist of modern National Socialism in the Anglo-American world.
Writing in the inaugural issue of the WUNS National Socialist World in 1966,
Jordan offered a “philosophical appraisal” of universal Nazism to an international
readership. He argued that National Socialism had survived the defeat
of the Third Reich and its subsequent vilification because it was “synonymous
with higher man’s will to survive, his instinct for health and strength, and his
desire for beauty in life.” Tracing its origins in Plato’s Greece, Roman state
service and the feelings of blood kinship among the Nordic tribes, Jordan saw
National Socialism as a healthy, organic revolt “against the whole structure of
thought of liberalism and democracy, with its cash nexus; its excessive individualism;
its view of man as a folkless, interchangeable unit of world population;
its spiritual justification in a debased Christianity embracing a sickly
‘humanitarianism.’” National Socialism, he claimed, was much more than a
political scheme, but rather a worldwide rebirth of the Aryan race and its folkfeeling
beyond the confines of nation states.15
After their split in 1964, Jordan remained an intransigent Nazi, while Tyndall
cloaked his former extremism in British nationalism. Jordan successfully
agitated on a racist platform for a Conservative candidate against Patrick
Gordon-Walker, Labour’s intended foreign secretary, at Smethwick in the
1964 general election. Copying Rockwell’s use of demonstrators in monkey
suits to get his racist message across, Jordan then ran his own campaign
against Gordon-Walker, who again failed to secure a seat in the Leyton byelection
of January 1965. The next two years saw terrorism replacing electioneering.
Behind the scenes Nazi action commandos drawn from Jordan’s
NSM, Fountaine’s BNP and Tyndall’s GBM attacked Jewish properties
(thirty-four in the London area alone), destroyed synagogues and mounted a
firebomb attack on a Jewish yeshiva (seminary) in Stoke Newington, resulting
in the death of a student. NSM members were jailed for attacks on synagogues
in Clapton, Ilford, Kilburn and Bayswater; Jordan’s wife, the French heiress
Françoise Dior, was jailed for eighteen months in 1968 for conspiring to burn
a synagogue.16
Meanwhile, the mainstream nationalists hoped for increased electoral support
on the right following a renewed Labour victory in the general election
of 1966, and a convergence of Labour and Tory policies on immigration.
Frustrated by Rockwell’s formal recognition of Jordan in early 1965 as the official
British representative of the WUNS, Tyndall regretfully laid his Nazi
past aside and decided to build bridges within the radical right. His efforts
were rewarded when he and members of the GBM were welcomed into A. K.
Chesterton’s new coalition of the League of Empire Loyalists, the British National
Party and the Racial Preservation Society, which formed the National
Front (NF) in February 1967.With his embarrassing and unabashed Nazism,
Jordan was intentionally excluded from these negotiations by Chesterton.He
therefore played no part in the development of this new nationalist “fourth
party” in British politics which enjoyed some significant electoral results in
the 1970s in response to successive immigration scares.17 Jordan remained a
man of the Nazi underground.
How large was the NSM? In 1966 the police recorded that there had only
been 187 full members in the NSM’s history, with several hundred supporters
and subscribers to The National Socialist (1962–66). But Searchlight has
claimed that 1,200 were involved at one time or another,with a peak of nearly
700 in 1962.18 In January 1967 Jordan went to prison a second time. Under
the new Race Relations Act of 1965, he was jailed for eighteen months for
publishing an inflammatory pamphlet, The Coloured Invasion, which sought
to promote racial strife. Upon his release Jordan revived the now defunct
NSM as the British Movement in the summer of 1968. Compared to the parliamentary
ambitions of the NF, the British Movement (BM) was to concentrate
on mobilizing skinheads, football hooligans and young urban thugs
against the left and colored immigrants in inner cities. This violent strategy
harked back to the “tough squads” of Leese’s Imperial Fascist League and, of
course, the Nazi stormtroopers of the 1920s. The purpose of BM racial attacks
was outright provocation of the West Indian and Asian minorities in the expectation
that any counterattacks on whites would unleash a massive backlash,
escalating into racial war.
Jordan was succeeded in 1974 as BM leader by Michael McLaughlin, a former
merchant seaman from Liverpool. McLaughlin was ambitious and had
evidently undermined Jordan’s position while he held the office of chairman.
In disgust, Jordan resigned from the BM altogether in 1975 to devote himself
to writing on his farm at Greenhow Hill near Harrogate,Yorkshire. Throughout
the 1970s the BM had close links with a political underground that fomented
racial violence and sought contacts with European fascist terrorists.
By 1980, it claimed to have twenty-five branches and a membership of four
thousand, but these figures probably counted skinheads, football hooligans
and other barely affiliated street fighters. But McLaughlin’s fief was a difficult
one to govern. The presence of a turncoat and Searchlight mole, Ray Hill, at
its highest levels thwarted many BM attacks while leading to police investigations
and much internal feuding. Once Ray Hill went public in 1982, the
movement was severely demoralized. The very unruliness of the BM street
forces frustrated any proper internal organization. Despairing of an undisciplined
rabble, McLaughlin resigned the leadership and closed down the BM
national office at Shotten in North Wales in late 1983.
This disbandment was rejected by the remaining organizers who began to
salvage the movement, renaming it the British National Socialist Movement
(BNSM) at its 1985 annual general meeting.As the “godfather”of the Nazi underground,
Jordan continued to intrigue for the revival of far-right terrorism.
Inspired by The Turner Diaries and the militant example of The Order in the
United States, Jordan penned a master plan for the future of British Nazism in
the journal of the League of St. George in June 1986.Here Jordan claimed that
the elite control of television ensured the survival of democracy through the
ballot box and political parties.He rejected traditional party organization and
called for its replacement by an “elite spearhead” or “task force” engaged in
“war” and mentioned the example of the special units of Otto Skorzeny, the
Third Reich’s premier commando leader. This armed guerrilla activity should,
Jordan argued, be matched by a racial populist party that slowly builds its respectability;
meanwhile, others should infiltrate mainstream parties and public
bodies.As illegal activity would often lead to capture and prison sentences,
Jordan warned that “a strict separation of the personnel of the overt from
those of the underground activities is absolutely essential.”19
A handful of core BNSM activists evidently kept the flame alive in Jordan’s
sense. To begin with, there was a systematic re-recruitment of former members.
Weapons training for BNSM members was fostered by placing them in
gun clubs and Territorial Army units around the country. Several BNSM
members with arms convictions became involved with Defence Begins At
Home, a respectable right-wing pressure group, also known as the Hedgehogs,
which lobbied between 1983 and 1986 for an increase in Britain’s community
defense capability. The Blood and Honour network of white power
music fans numbering some eight hundred skinheads provided a further pool
for the recruiting sergeants of the BSNM. However, after the Hungerford
massacre in which the gun fanatic Michael Ryan ran amok, killing his neighbors
and police officers, even some BNSM members began to worry. Following
a tip-off, three leading BNSM gunmen—Jeff Carson, a scoutmaster from
southwest London, David Philips from Essex and John Sullivan from London—
were arrested while firing pump-action shotguns in the Hertfordshire
woods.20
At this time, the increasing isolation of Northern Ireland in its nationalist
struggle against both the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and a complaisant
U.K. government had begun to attract the far right in Britain as a fertile
ground for its own nationalist propaganda. The NF intensified its operations
in the province and a massive, joint NF–Orange Order march was held in November
1986 at Bridgwater, Somerset, the constituency of Northern Ireland
secretary Tom King, in protest of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.21 The BNSM
forged its own military links with Ulster Loyalist groups such as the Ulster Defence
Association (UDA) and its terrorist units, the Ulster Freedom Fighters
(UFF) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). These groups operated both in
Northern Ireland and in mainland Britain,where underground BNSM members
were frequently involved in gun-running and in armed attacks against
Republican targets. The Blood and Honour network also provided further
BNSM recruits for the mainland cells of the Ulster units. John Nicholson, a
lay preacher in the Protestant Church and a London UDA officer, arranged
for the training of dozens of young men in southern England.
Finally, the BNSM cultivated close contacts with neo-Nazi groups on the
continent. Et Wolsink (b. 1924), a former Dutch SS man, became the BNSM
international liaison officer in addition to belonging to a string of neo-Nazi
associations, including holding a senior office in the Dutch People’s Union
(DVU), the Dutch “Wiking Jugend,” the Northern League and the Dutch section
of the German neo-Nazi ANS-NA, headed by Michael Kühnen.Wolsink
had a notorious Nazi past, having been sentenced in 1946 to eight years’ imprisonment
for his role in the SS Brandenburg division. A close friend of the
widow of the Dutch Nazi leader Rost van Tonningen, Wolsink was able to
bring more than one hundred members of the BNSM and its overseas supporters
together at a secret location in Derbyshire in April 1989 for the hundredth
anniversary of Hitler’s birthday.22 By 1990, the two to three hundred
active BNSM members were concentrated in London, the Midlands and particularly
in Yorkshire. Two leaders, Stephen Frost and Glyn Fordham, operated
from P.O. boxes in Slaithwaite near Huddersfield and Heckmondwike.
Living close by at his Yorkshire farm, Colin Jordan was always abreast of developments
among the militant Nazis.
Jordan continued to supply articles to American Nazi publications on the
contemporary relevance of National Socialism and the unique leadership of
Adolf Hitler. In National Socialism: World Creed for the 1980s (1981), a booklet
reprinted from an article first published in the WUNS periodical, Jordan
dismissed nationalists, populists, Nazi fetishists (“Hollywood Nazis”), and
skinheads (a sideswipe at those street fighters initially welcomed into the
British Movement) as betrayers of National Socialism. Jordan exalted Nazism
as a religion of life and nature, quite incompatible with Christianity.National
Socialists, he concluded,were neither nationalists nor conservatives but racial
revolutionaries summoning the white peoples of the world to unite for survival
and supremacy. As a current tactic, he argued for disruptive sabotage of
the system and the development of elite Nazi cadres through private Nazi
schools, labor projects and small rural communities.23
This idea carried through to a back-to-the-land movement among the
“Political Soldier” and “Third Way” activists who emerged from the breakup
of the National Front in the mid-1980s. Nick Griffin, a former NF leader,
trained cadres at his family farm in Suffolk. Seeking new alliances, the political
soldiers made overtures to Qaddafi’s Libya and to Iran and Iraq. The group
also praised the Welsh nationalist bombers and arsonists, the Sons of Glyndwr.
From his farm on the Welsh Marches, Griffin ran a “Smash the Cities”
campaign implying a Nazi version of Pol Potism.24 David Myatt, one of Jordan’s
devoted followers in the old BM, tried to set up a Nazi country commune
in Shropshire. In the 1990s, the Order of Jarls Bælder, Myatt’s Reichsfolk
and the National Socialist Alliance mounted similar rural ventures to foster
the elite Nazi spirit among the few who were expected to lead the masses
when the established social and economic order ultimately collapses
In the early 1980s, Jordan revived Leese’s periodical Gothic Ripples as his
own occasional mouthpiece for articles on the Third Reich, Hess’s “murder”
in Spandau prison, and anti-Semitic and racist commentary on contemporary
affairs. Eulogies of Hitler were also a staple item among these writings,
reaching a climax in 1989, the centenary year of his birth.“Hitler was Right!,”
originally published in Gothic Ripples and then reprinted in George Dietz’s
special 20 April 1989 anniversary issue of Liberty Bell, upheld Hitler’s accuracy
on a whole range of issues, including the denunciation of democracy, the
protection of the folk community, his allegedly preemptive attack on the Soviet
Union, the lost opportunity of an Anglo-German alliance and his
prophecy of the dark age that would follow his defeat.25 In a commemorative
article for Matt Koehl’s New Order NS Bulletin, Jordan followed the exposition
of Savitri Devi in presenting Hitler as a “Man against Time,” a superhuman
personality who, through the force of his own will, sought to oppose
Aryan decline within the cycle of the ages. Another paean to Hitler was published
in the magazine of the League of St. George, a leading far-right group
in Britain.26
Embellished with the sombre muscular bronze statues of the Nazi sculptor
Arno Breker, Jordan’s booklets and articles on National Socialism are written
for a literate readership. Beside the pious and enthusiastic offerings of the
New Order, this native British testimony to Hitler and universal Nazism
seems earnest and down to earth. In A Train of Thought (1989), Jordan returned
to the theme of clandestine task forces to speed the breakdown of the
social order, a hope that now reposed in the underground BNSM. In 1993 he
lightened his touch with a satire,Merrie England—2,000, which paints a droll
Orwellian view of a Britain at the end of the twentieth century dominated by
the race-relations police, reeducation for the bigoted elderly, tax relief for
mixed marriages, ritual obeisance for the guilty white population and in place
of Nelson’s Column a statue of Nelson Mandela in “Harmony Square.” In
recognition of his godfather status to the international Nazi movement over
three decades, the European section of the WUNS in Denmark published a
volume of Jordan’s selected writings in 1993.
Combat 18, a guerrilla group active since the early 1990s, was another revival
of Colin Jordan’s plan for a militant Nazi underground. Directly descended
from the BNSM, both in terms of personnel and methods, Combat
18 (C18) mobilizes thugs, boot boys and skinheads for physical attacks,
bombings and arson against its perceived racial enemies. Its name is taken
from the first and eighth letters of the alphabet, which signify Adolf Hitler.
C18 specializes in intimidation, harassment and brutality. Attacks are usually
accompanied by gloating phone calls and crude stickers carrying its black
skull symbol and the caption “Combat 18 in the area.” Illustrated fliers of a
sinister trooper wearing a gas mask and toting powerful new weapons are
captioned “C18 ready for ethnic cleansing” in cut-out letters. C18 is an armed
criminal conspiracy that gathers intelligence and mobilizes its cells to carry
out acts of violence against its chosen targets, which have included Labour
politicians,MPs, green activists and members of Jewish organizations. By distributing
hit lists of its enemies’ private addresses and telephone numbers, it
aims to strike fear into all opponents by showing that it is always ready to
mount surprise attacks.
C18 began to form in late 1991 out of the BNSM, Blood and Honour skinhead
groups and notorious racist football gangs including West Ham, Charlton,
Leeds,Millwall and the Chelsea Headhunters. Harold A. Covington, the
American Nazi, lived in London that winter and appears to have been instrumental
in encouraging the emergence of a new militant Nazi alliance involving
groups in Sweden, Germany and C18 in Britain, using computer communications
and U.S.-style Nazi terrorism.27 Another factor favoring the group
was the need for tougher stewarding at BNP meetings and other events, such
as lectures by the revisionist historian David Irving in November 1991. A brutal
and bloody attack by C18 on Anti-Nazi League pamphleteers followed in
February 1992 at Tower Hamlets. Old BNSM faces and known football hooligans
began to guard the BNP as it canvased the London streets and ran election
rallies in the run-up to the April 1992 general election. In view of its subversive
and illegal activities, C18 gave an offshore mailing address in Raleigh,
North Carolina, which was Covington’s Dixie Press. Covington then passed
the applications and inquiries back to Steve Sargent in Barnet, whose
Resurgam Books also distributed the Searchlight article on Covington’s earlier
role in Britain.28
The unchallenged street leader of C18 was Paul David Sargent (b. 1960),
better known as Charlie “Ginger Pig” Sargent on account of his hair color and
plump figure. A typical working-class Nazi thug,Charlie Sargent was active in
the BM during the 1970s and early 1980s, trailing a long record of violence.
In 1978 he was convicted on offensive weapons and threatening-behaviour
charges arising from public disorders. He proclaimed a “race war,” inciting
Muslims and blacks to retaliatory violence. If others did not follow him, he
would know that “our race is too weak to survive and deserves to die.”29 His
elder brother,William, was active in the National Front and organized illegal
dogfights, while his younger brother, Stephen, ran Resurgam Books and published
Thor-Would, a pagan C18 magazine, from his home in Barnet.Another
top figure in C18 was Eddy Whicker, a South London garbage collector, one
of the National Front’s toughest street fighters in the 1970s. Later involved
with the UDA, as was Charlie Sargent,Whicker has been a prominent steward
in C18-minding activities alongside the BNP. John Merritt and Paul Ballard,
both long-term members of the Croydon BNP branch, a former NF stronghold,
were also senior C18 managers. Another C18 man, Steve Martin from
Stamford Hill, also had BNP and strong Ulster loyalist links. Once charged
with UVF gun running, he later became a full UDA member.30
The C18 Redwatch bulletins contained hit lists of enemies, a clear incitement
to violence, injury and murder. The first issue (March 1992) was flagged
as “a bimonthly report on the red front. Compiled by COMBAT 18” and carried
the slogan “let them hate so long as they fear.” Readers were encouraged
to compile their own lists. The American Nazi model was evident in reference
to the Aryan Militant group, unexpected attacks with knife and gun, and the
injunction “to hide in the faceless hordes of ZOGs putrid,mud infested cities
. . . undermine-demoralize-destroy.”31Many of the people listed in the
second issue (May 1992) were not communists but Labour Party members,
officers of refugee organizations and anti-apartheid activists. There was a
press release of C18’s arson attack on the Morning Star office, while the final
page superimposed the words “race war” and “armed resistance”with the C18
skull logo over a portrait of Hitler and a sketch of a masked figure carrying an
assault rifle. The fire at the communist newspaper served as a model for fresh
attacks: two arsons in Birmingham, the Democratic Left office (August 1992)
and the Sandwell Unemployment and Community Resource Centre (November
1992) were listed in subsequent Redwatch issues.32
In these scruffy and semi-literate bulletins, C18 flaunted its Nazi ideas. The
third issue of Redwatch bore the symbol of the South African Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging
(AWB) movement and the caption “Zyklon-B: over six million
satisfied customers.Manufactured by Combat 18” beside a picture of an
Auschwitz poison gas canister. The hit list included several Communist Party
organizers,ANC supporters and information on the left-wing group Militant.
The fourth issue included Ken Livingstone, the Labour council leader; Marc
Wadsworth of the Anti-Racist Alliance; and Sir Ivan Lawrence QC, the Conservative
MP and member of the Jewish Board of Deputies who had recently
been appointed chairman of the Home Affairs select committee on race relations.
The third issue of another C18 magazine entitled Combat 18 contained
detailed instructions on how to make powerful bombs, explosives and fuses.
Beneath the slogan “Kill em all!,” C18 target lists now included Paddy Ashdown,
the Liberal Democratic Party leader; Glenda Jackson, the well-known
actress and prominent Labour supporter; Alf Lomas, a member of the European
Parliament; and Paul Condon, commissioner of the Metropolitan Police
and a senior detective of the International and Organised Crime Branch, the
unit specially assigned to deal with C18 crimes.33
C18 had two to three hundred members throughout Britain operating in
military cells. They were responsible for hundreds of criminal incidents, including
affray, arson and violent assault. Asian businesses were burned down
in London, trades unionists’ homes in Durham and Leeds were destroyed and
a firebomb attack was made on a meeting in Milton Keynes being addressed
by Leon Greenman, an eighty-year-old Holocaust survivor who was later harassed.
A demonstration in Eltham (November 1992) was followed by affray
in Nottingham (23 January 1993). Left-wing and anarchist bookshops in Kilburn,
Whitechapel, Nottingham and Durham were attacked. On 15 January
1994, C18 organized a large international skinhead event involving neo-Nazi
groups from Holland, Denmark and Germany that dissolved into running
battles across London with left-wing protesters and the police. In August 1994
in Leeds, there were crossbow and firebomb attacks on ANL members, and
Derek Fatchett, Labour MP for Leeds West, was twice granted police protection.
Over a three-year period dozens of incidents occurred in London alone
involving arson and vicious assaults against colored people. Many of these
were reported with boasts of injury and damage in the successive issues of the
new C18 magazines, Putsch, Lebensraum and The Order.34
Both Putsch and Lebensraum reflect the frustration and rage of white
working-class youths displaced in their traditional neighborhoods by growing
racial minorities. Thirty years and a whole generation after Jordan’s first
race riots, Britain now has large established Asian and black communities in
London and the large cities of the North and Midlands.Mosques and Hindu
temples replace old pubs and labor clubs, ethnic festivals overwhelm embattled
white residents and Asian-language newspapers, cinemas and shops reflect
the existence of large unassimilated groups.White youngsters form a tiny
minority in many schools where rolls are almost exclusively made up of ethnic
minority children. Housing allocations in such London boroughs as
Tower Hamlets overrepresent the ethnic population out of all proportion to
their white residents, which has led to a “rights for whites”movement led by
the British National Party. Labour-held councils now select Muslim candidates
for office in areas of high Asian population, while many local authorities
pander to blacks with respect to employment, special projects and facilities,
and even for mayoral office.Working-class whites are directly confronted
by the increasing cultural and political self-assertion of the minorities.35
John Cato’s editorial line in Putsch plays on the fears of poor, white, working-
class youth increasingly threatened with marginalization. He castigates
liberal elites for conniving in their disinheritance through political correctness
and public expenditure on multicultural festivals, black AIDS research,
homosexual clubs, and police training in racial sensitivity and minority languages.
He likens the lot of black slaves to the miseries of the Victorian proletariat
and asks why the white working class should share the guilt of the liberal
middle classes about racism. As white youth clubs close down and whole
swathes of urban heartland are surrendered to the ethnic groups, the media
and mass entertainment beam a constant barrage of positive multiracial images
onto the British populace.Meanwhile, the national press constantly suppresses
reports of black-on-white crime and racial strife in the inner cities.
While rare white racist attacks on blacks receive copious coverage with guiltladen
moralizing, numerous white victims of black crime are simply attributed
to poor “race relations.”Cato demands wholesale repatriation of colored
immigrants, arguing that the multiracial experiment is a complete catastrophe,
propped up only by a managed media and pious liberal elites.36
The C18 hit lists, bomb-making instructions and escalating racial violence
indicate the influence of American Nazi ideology and methods. In The Order,
the magazine named after the U.S. terrorist group, editor John Cato paid fulsome
tribute to its martyred leader, Robert Jay Mathews. It quoted Mathews’s
“declaration of war” against a “Jewish controlled mongrelized society, which
is depriving White Aryans of their existence and homeland.” The same issue
featured a full exposition of Louis Beam’s strategy of “leaderless resistance”
for the war on ZOG.37 In the pages of Putsch, Cato exults in Pierce’s advocacy
of individual acts of violence against blacks and Jews. After fleeing from Kent
to Spalding in Lincolnshire, Cato started a new magazine, The Oak, which
reprinted many of Pierce’s articles. Paul Jeffries set up Life Rune Books in
Leeds as the U.K. distributor for William Pierce’s National Alliance. In June
1994 Cato and Jeffries formed the National Socialist Alliance (NSA) as a federation
of C18, several rebel BNSM sections with their magazines Sigrun and
Europe Awake, and the Blood and Honour groups in a British version of
Pierce’s American organization. By mid-1995, a number of smaller groups
had joined the NSA, including David Myatt’s National-Socialist Movement,
Adrian Blundell’s White Aryan Resistance and the Yorkshire-based Patriotic
Women’s League.38
The NSA adopted other American ideas besides terrorism, “leaderless resistance”
and liaison with the National Alliance. The idea of an “Aryan white
homeland,” familiar from The Turner Diaries and Christian Identity doctrine,
began to circulate among young British Nazis.An island off the coast of Scotland
was rejected in favor of an area that was underpopulated, almost entirely
white and yet within striking distance of the large cities where war could be
waged against a multiracial society. It was decided to set up the racial homeland
in Essex, between Chelmsford and the coast, near the Bradwell nuclear
power station. The idea was further endorsed by Colin Jordan’s former NSM
aide,Wulstram Tedder, who was already running a small Nazi commune on
the Welsh borders, and David Myatt, another violent former BM activist and
Nazi satanist, who publicized the project as the “East Saxon Kindred.” This
was to be “an all-White neighbourhood and community, and thus an Aryan
republic . . . where Aryans can live among their own kind . . . the territory will
thus be ruled and controlled by Aryans who are National-Socialists.”39
The NSA’s formation coincided with increasing radicalism on the British
far-right scene. The BNP gain (September 1993) and then loss (May 1994) of
a council seat in Tower Hamlets led to frustration with electoral strategy, especially
among younger members. Racist groups now felt embattled by the
widespread acceptance of a multiracial society combined with stricter enforcment
of race-relations legislation, involving the imprisonment of leaders
and the censorship of its press. The flight into sectarian militancy and enclave
doctrine paralleled the development of American Nazism in the late 1970s
and early 1980s. Now British Nazis proclaimed an all-out battle for the very
survival of the white race against the hated ZOG in tones of religious fervor
and apocalyptic prophecy. The masthead of Putsch magazine carried the
motto “we must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children,”
the “14 Words” of David Lane, a member of The Order now serving a
life sentence for his part in the murder of a Jewish radio commentator in Denver.
In early 1995 there were increasing regional defections from the BNP
membership to the NSA, including the Halifax, Oldham, Scotland and Northern
Ireland branches.40
Since its inception, C18 has been closely linked to neo-Nazi groups abroad.
In 1992 contacts were forged by Harold Covington with the terrorist White
Aryan Resistance (VAM) in Sweden. This underground group imitates The
Order with bank robberies and the stockpiling of weapons as a preliminary
step for “a racial holocaust” to “eliminate ZOG.” Its declared enemies are the
political parties, the police and the media, the Jewish community and antiracists.
In December 1993, neo-Nazi letter-bomb campaigns began in Austria
against socialists and liberals soft on immigration. Cryptic communications
from the Bavarian Liberation Army (Bajuvarische Befreiungsarmee, BBA)
regularly cite heroes from Austria’s military past in battles against the invading
Avars, Slavs and Turks. Like VAM, the German anti-anti-fascist organization
also publishes a hit-list bulletin, Der Einblick, across the border in Denmark.
Both organizations foster contacts with C18 and the Danish National
Socialist Movement (Dansk Nasjonal Sosjalistik Bewegung, DNSB) at the annual
international Nazi festival in Diksmuide and the Rudolf Hess commemorations
in Fulda. Leading members of the DNSB, VAM, NSA, and Norwegian
and Austrian groups met in Copenhagen in March 1995 to coordinate
their anti-anti-fascist activities.41
Striking evidence of these international links emerged when seven young
Danish neo-Nazis were charged in January 1997 with planning an international
letter-bombing campaign against targets in London supplied by C18.
The packages were due to have been posted in Sweden. The letter-bomb technique
was directly borrowed from the Austrian nationalists, but the British
targets reflected the influence of American ideas of “race war.”Among the intended
recipients of the letter bombs were prominent British athletes in
mixed-race marriages, including Kriss Akabusi and Derek Redmond.42 The
targeting of such “race-traitors” and their spouses was a pointed theme of
William Pierce’s novel Hunter, in which the Nazi hero stalked race-mixing
couples with intent to kill, thereby spreading terror and demoralization
throughout multiracial society. C18’s mobilization of their Danish, Swedish
and German allies for such a campaign of violence against politicians and
public figures demonstrates the international scope of the hit-list strategy
that intends to intimidate all supporters of multiracialism.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Third_Position
Only weeks after the bombing campaign was exposed, Charlie Sargent was
charged with murdering a fellow activist and is now serving a lengthy prison
sentence. C18 began to splinter.Meanwhile, Troy Southgate’s National Revolutionary
Faction was achieving prominence in the militant underground.
Southgate had begun his political career in 1983 with the “Political Soldiers”
faction of the National Front, then followed Griffin and others into the Italian-
inspired International Third Position in 1989. This association lasted
until September 1992, when Southgate formed the English NationalistMovement
(ENM). Between 1992 and 1998, the ENM returned to the revolutionary
principles of the NF, with an emphasis on the writings of Otto Strasser
and Walther Darré alongside the socialist ideas of William Morris, Robert
Owen and William Cobbett. Renamed National Revolutionary Faction
(NRF) in 1998, the party is committed to “national revolution,” advocates a
strong Europe and has joined the European Liberation Front, a pan-European
alliance of national revolutionaries based on the ideas of Otto Strasser,
Francis Parker Yockey and Jean Thiriart. Like other groups in the Euro-
American radical right, the NRF is committed to the fight against ZOG and
the “NewWorld Order,” rejects the democratic process and aims to establish
autonomous all-white zones. In August 2000 its strategy of infiltration led
to joint actions alongside violent anti-hunt saboteurs of the Animal Liberation
Front.43
David Myatt’s National-Socialist Movement (NSM) absorbed many C18
activists when Charlie Sargent’s younger brother, Steve, and a few dozen supporters
joined the NSM in March 1997. A longtime devotee of right-wing extremism
and satanism, David Myatt had begun elaborating a “religion of National-
Socialism” in the early 1990s, advertising his writings in The Oak, edited
by John Cato. Advocating direct action and sabotage of basic services
including water, sewage and electricity,Myatt saw C18 as the street army from
which an Aryan revolutionary movement could be built. Myatt’s cultic view
of Nazism embraced a Manichaean view of the racial struggle between Aryans
and the growing numbers of colored groups in British cities: “Since these foreigners
are an invasion force, since there is now a war, and since we do live
under a tyrannical Zionist Occupation Government,we have no choice but to
actively fight for our freedom, our race and our lands.We must fight the non-
Aryan invaders who have settled in our lands.”44 As Myatt’s strengths lay in
political education and doctrine, the leadership of an expanded NSM passed
in 1997 to Tony Williams (b. 1956), a wealthy young supporter of Nazi causes
since the early 1980s.
Refounded in June 1997, the NSM remained true to Myatt’s visionary
Hitlerism and was committed to the establishment within Britain of an
exclusive Aryan community. Rejecting the “conventionalities of electioneering,”
the NSM adopted the Nazi leadership principle to foster “national
and racial solidarity, duty and honour.” Tony Williams began publishing
Column 88, a quarterly magazine in color, with his editorials, “Broadcasts
from the Bunker,” providing a flippant commentary on the state of liberal
Britain as seen from the Third Reich. Historical articles on Nazi social
welfare in prewar Germany and the life of William Joyce alternated with
Myatt’s views on the suppression of dissent in democracies and U.S. convict
Steve Stein’s eulogy of young German Panzer crews. Alongside features
on NSM policy on racial identity and community values, the magazine
ran an interview with Colin Jordan, excerpts from the writings of
Savitri Devi, and heroic stories of German World War II military
exploits.45 While Williams concentrated on history and philosophy, Steve
Sargent continued publishing White Dragon, a bimonthly magazine targeting
skinheads and football fans with a white ethnic message.
The NSM attracted national publicity when it was discovered that the
young man arrested for the three nail bombings in London in May 1999 had
joined the group in late 1998. Living in the isolation of multiracial single
room occupancy housing in East London, David Copeland (b. 1976) had embraced
racist politics, joining the British National Party in spring 1997 and
reading Christian Identity literature on the Internet. Already in 1996,
Copeland had begun to think of a bombing campaign against ethnic groups
in order to provoke a backlash and racial war in Britain. Seeking more radical
contacts, he joined the NSM, being appointed an area leader in February
1999. His first nail-bomb attack on 19 April in Brixton, a largely black London
borough, wounded thirty-nine people. On 24 April he struck in Brick
Lane, an area of Asian population, leaving six wounded. On 30 April he
bombed a public house patronized by homosexuals in Soho, which resulted
in three deaths and horrific injuries to sixty-five people. Allegedly inspired by
The Turner Diaries, Copeland acted as a lone wolf and had little involvement
with the NSM.46 Panicked by the discovery of the bomber’s identity, Tony
Williams disbanded the NSM in May 1999.However,Copeland’s violent campaign
was a textbook application of “leaderless resistance” and operation in
“phantom cells.”
The Nazi underground has remained active in Britain from the early
1960s right up to the present, persistently cultivating racist anti-Semitism
and trying to provoke violent conflict between whites and people of color
in Britain’s cities. The noisy protests, inflammatory rhetoric and criminal
acts of the original NSM, BM and C18 involving racial attacks, arson and
sabotage have exercised an influence on the formation of anti-immigrant
feeling and even on government policy that is out of all proportion to
their actual memberships. Copeland saw his nail-bomb campaign as a
provocation for racial war. This militant tradition owes much to Colin
Jordan, the godfather of British neo-Nazism. Radicalized by his terms of
imprisonment, Jordan has consistently advocated the growth of revolutionary
Nazi activist cells and the eventual overthrow of liberal democracy
in conditions of crisis. Like his American counterparts, Jordan
blended an abiding love of Hitler and the Third Reich with a modern
racist doctrine opposed to colored populations within white nations. In
common with American neo-Nazism, this British Hitlerism aims at global
white supremacy through a campaign of millenarian militancy against the
perceived disorders of liberalism and multiracialism.
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